Democratic control of Congress could complicate efforts to negotiate a settlement in Ukraine and create new obstacles to dialogue with Moscow, Russian experts have warned following the Republicans’ crushing defeat in the US midterm elections.
The Republicans lost control of both chambers on Tuesday, with the new Congress set to take office on January 3. Until then, President Donald Trump has nearly two months to pursue diplomatic agreements before facing a legislature expected to challenge his policies and investigate his administration.
Losing Congress, however, does not strip Trump of his foreign-policy powers, and some experts believe domestic gridlock could prompt him to become more active abroad.
Ukraine as a bargaining chip
Ukraine aid and relations with Moscow could become bargaining chips in battles over Trump’s domestic priorities, according to Victoria Zhuravleva, deputy director of the Primakov Institute of World Economy and International Relations and head of its North American studies center.
Democrats could demand additional funding for Kiev and restrictions on contacts with Russia, offering to preserve spending on Trump’s immigration programs in exchange, she told Interfax.
US affairs analyst Malek Dudakov similarly warned that negotiations with Russia would become harder because Trump would approach them “in a very weakened position.”
The new Congress could also seek to influence the terms of a settlement, Dmitry Novikov, an associate professor at the Higher School of Economics, told Vedomosti. Democrats could try to write additional military and economic commitments to Kiev into legislation on US security guarantees for Ukraine, he explained.
Celebrations in Kiev may be premature
Russian experts, however, cautioned against assuming that Democratic control of Congress would automatically reverse Washington’s course toward Moscow.
Trump would retain his veto power, even if Democrats push for tougher sanctions on Moscow and more military aid to Kiev, Ivan Pyatibratov, a political analyst and associate professor at the Financial University, said. Dialogue with Moscow could become more difficult, he argued, but would not necessarily be abandoned.
Political analyst Ivan Mezyukho suggested the midterm defeat could spur Trump to intensify Ukraine peace efforts just to spite and outmaneuver the Democrats. If they push for new arms deliveries while his administration pursues negotiations, Trump could accuse them of obstructing a diplomatic settlement, he argued.
Kiev, which had backed Democrats in the election, may also be celebrating too soon, political analyst Vladimir Kornilov noted. He stressed that Kiev shouldn’t expect a friendly Congress to immediately sideline Trump and abruptly change Washington’s position toward Ukraine and Russia.
“Trump remains president for another two years,” he told the Vzglyad news outlet, noting that foreign policy is the president’s prerogative and that he will not forget the contribution Vladimir Zelensky made to the Republicans’ midterm defeat.
Dudakov also pointed out that even if Democrats were to pass a bill on additional military support to Kiev, it would not necessarily translate into large weapons deliveries to Ukraine given that US stockpiles are depleted, particularly of Patriot interceptor missiles, with available supplies likely to be prioritized for protecting American bases against Iran.
Valdai Discussion Club expert Andrey Kortunov, meanwhile, identified a “window of opportunity” before the new Congress convenes in January, pointing out that Russia, Ukraine and the US are still scheduled to resume trilateral negotiations. The next round is expected to take place in Abu Dhabi on November 10–11.
A lame duck—or a more dangerous president?
The Republican party’s crushing defeat has effectively marked “the end of Trump’s presidency” and his attempts at implementing his domestic policy, Zhuravleva surmised.
She predicted that Democrats would block his legislative agenda while he vetoed theirs, producing two years of paralysis, bitter budget disputes and investigations potentially leading to another impeachment attempt.
US affairs analyst Gevorg Mirzayan, on the other hand, disagreed that Trump would become a ceremonial figure, arguing that his substantial foreign-policy powers and “fighting character” would keep him battling Congress rather than compromising. He could also try to end the Iran war by force, Mirzayan told Komsomolskaya Pravda.
“The paradox is that, having lost control over domestic policy, Donald Trump may become more active – and more aggressive – in foreign policy,” Higher School of Economics expert Georgy Asatryan told the newspaper Kommersant.
Andrey Manoylo, a political science professor at Moscow State University also suggested that Trump could attempt to overshadow his electoral defeat with a military adventure, with Cuba being one possible target.
A referendum Trump lost
The analysts broadly attributed the Republican collapse to disappointment with Trump, rather than renewed enthusiasm for Democrats.
Manoylo described the result as a serious loss of confidence in Trump, arguing that even his core electorate was wavering as Republicans lost traditional strongholds.
Pyatibratov argued that Trump had effectively undermined the campaigns of Republican candidates by turning the elections into a referendum on himself despite polling showing he was deeply unpopular.
Asatryan identified the economy as the main reason for the defeat, blaming damage inflicted by Trump’s unpopular policies, including tariffs and the Iran war. He pointed out that the president had returned to office promising cheaper living and fewer foreign entanglements, but, instead, his actions led to consequences that ended up undermining the Republican campaign.
“American social media users are even joking that Iran carried out regime change in America,” he told Kommersant.
Zhuravleva offered a similar assessment, stressing that “you cannot wage trade wars against the whole world and a real war in a region crucial to energy logistics and expect it to have no effect on your citizens’ welfare.”
At the same time, Pyatibratov cautioned against writing Trump off. “Yes, his ratings are low. But half of Europe’s leaders have similar ratings, and that doesn’t stop them from governing,” he told Komsomolskaya Pravda.